From Guam to Gaza: It’s just crazy enough to work

Before Donald Trump’s 21-part peace plan for Gaza, he originally said the United States could “take Gaza” and make it great. Imagine treating Gaza not as an unsolvable foreign dilemma, but as a U.S. territory, a Guam or Puerto Rico on the Mediterranean.

The U.S. has a long history of absorbing distant lands for strategic advantage. Alaska, 3,400 miles from Washington, was purchased from Russia in 1867. Guam and Puerto Rico became U.S. territories in 1898, and Hawaii, annexed in 1898 as well, became a state in 1959 while preserving its Polynesian culture. Territories differ from states: residents are citizens but often lack full voting rights. Gaza, at 5,800 miles from Washington, fits this precedent.

Guam, in the Western Pacific, is about 210 square miles, and has roughly 170,000 residents, all U.S. citizens. Puerto Rico, at 3,300 square miles, has roughly 3.3 million U.S. citizens, illustrating that the U.S. can govern faraway populations of varying size. Gaza, by comparison, is 141 square miles, with about 1.7 million residents. It is smaller in area than either Puerto Rico or Guam, but it is denser and strategically positioned to provide a U.S. presence in the Mediterranean.

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Guam illustrates how a small territory can project power. Its naval and air bases extend American reach across the Pacific, protecting the mainland. Gaza could serve as a similar “aircraft carrier,” a permanent naval and air hub deterring Iran and Turkey, signaling to Russia and China that U.S. power in the Mediterranean is sovereign and enduring.

Gaza is not ungovernable. Misrule by Hamas, not geography or population, created instability. Under U.S. administration, Gazans could gain citizenship while keeping their culture, much like Puerto Rico. Governance benchmarks, reformed schools, and practical job creation would replace martyrdom-driven education with civic responsibility and opportunity.

Economically, Gaza could be partially self-financing. Tax-exempt municipal bonds, called “Gaza Strips,” could fund infrastructure backed by ports, utilities, and tourism. The name nods to both the territory and a financial concept: STRIPS (Separate Trading of Registered Interest and Principal Securities) are bonds whose interest payments are separated from principal, allowing investors to trade components individually. Resorts, hotels, and casinos could generate revenue while schools, hospitals, and public works modernize the territory.

Critics, including the Tucker Carlson wing, may claim this is a backdoor way to protect Israel at U.S. expense, putting servicemen in harm’s way, or driven by Israel lobbyists. Yet American forces are already stationed in Bahrain, Qatar, and Iraq. Consolidate these into a sovereign Gaza hub, and the U.S. gains power without relying on host nations. No longer a guest, but anchored in the region. This would not just be a projection of American power, it could also potentially save billions of dollars of U.S. aid.

Trump’s interest in Greenland shows a willingness to consider bold acquisitions for strategic purposes. Any U.S. absorption of Gaza would be codified in a treaty with Israel and Egypt, ratified by Congress, protecting Israel even against future administrations.

Strategically, the benefits are clear. Russia maintains bases in Syria to project power. A U.S. territory in Gaza would consolidate influence in the eastern Mediterranean, deter Iran and Turkey, signal permanence to China and Russia, stabilize the Kurds in Turkey, and reduce the chance of Syria falling to extremists. Gaza could become a tourist and commercial hub while preserving Palestinian culture and hope for self-determination.

Under Trump and Jared Kushner, the Abraham Accords created enduring alliances in a volatile region. The same bold vision is needed today, for the U.S., for Gaza, for Israel, and for the world. From Guam to Gaza, history shows that what seems crazy can become common sense.

Stuart Goldberg of Englewood is the founder of G6 Partners and a dedicated advocate for the Jewish community, supporting organizations that combat antisemitism and strengthen Israel, and serving on the board of the Met Council. He and his wife, Ilana, have four children, two of whom now live in Israel.